<\/p>\n
Talking About Equality, but Perpetuating Inequality<\/strong><\/p>\n To speak of territorial continuity is to invoke a fundamental institutional principle: guaranteeing all citizens, regardless of their place of residence or geographical distance, equal access to mobility and essential services. This principle, enshrined in law, is meant to embody national solidarity and territorial unity. Yet, in practice, its implementation reflects a two-tiered policy that contradicts the very principle of republican equality.<\/strong><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n For while Corsica has benefited for several decades from a genuine public transportation system\u2014locally managed and sustainably funded\u2014the overseas territories, for their part, must make do with a centralized system that is fragmented and subject to restrictive conditions. For one, a transportation policy governed by public service obligations; for the others, discount vouchers contingent on family income and issued sparingly. The former is a right; the latter, social assistance.<\/p>\n An Asymmetric Legal Framework<\/b><\/p>\n This structural inequality is all the more striking because it is based on an asymmetrical legal framework. Territorial continuity is not mentioned in the Constitution. It is grounded in legislation\u2014notably the Transportation Code\u2014which anchors it to the principles of equality, solidarity, and unity. The Constitutional Council has upheld this differentiated framework on the grounds of \u201cobjectively different situations.\u201d Formally legal, certainly. But its fairness is debatable.<\/p>\n Historically, the Corsican model was first introduced in 1976 for maritime transport and was later expanded to include air transport in 1979. The island then became a pilot region, with a coherent, integrated policy managed by the Collectivit\u00e9 de Corse through its Office des Transports (OTC).<\/p>\n In 2003, under political pressure, France\u2019s overseas territories were finally granted the right to territorial continuity. But this right took a very different form: a grant paid to local governments, which was quickly criticized for its inconsistent management.<\/p>\n Why Recentralization Was Deemed Necessary<\/b><\/p>\n The 2003 allocation was intended as a gesture of fairness. The government transferred a financial allocation to overseas territories to facilitate travel for their residents, primarily through subsidies for airline tickets. But the implementation quickly revealed its flaws. Each regional council was free to set its own criteria, amounts, and eligible groups. The result? Inconsistent management, disparities in treatment across territories, administrative delays, and instances of budgetary inefficiency. Some local authorities were slow to use their allocated funds, while others far exceeded the set limits.<\/p>\n Without common indicators or centralized oversight, the program became impossible to understand. The European Union, which had at one point been considered as a co-financier, withdrew. Local governments, lacking the necessary resources, were unable to cover their share. The national government found itself alone in bearing the burden of rising and poorly managed expenses.<\/p>\n The Court of Auditors sounded the alarm, pointing to the risk of financial overspending and a lack of rigorous oversight. It was against this backdrop that the LODEOM Act of 2009 was passed: it completely centralized the system.<\/p>\n LADOM: A Centralized Solution to a Universal Need<\/b><\/p>\n Since 2009, mobility assistance has been managed by LADOM, a national agency under the supervision of the Ministry of Overseas Territories. The goal was clear: to harmonize the rules, treat all overseas residents according to the same criteria, and control public spending. This reform has enabled better control over benefit flows and greater budget transparency.<\/p>\n But it has also reinforced the logic of conditional social assistance, without addressing the root of the problem: the unequal treatment of Corsica.<\/p>\n In Corsica, residents benefit from a capped fare year-round, guaranteed by public service obligations set forth in contracts with transportation providers. In the overseas territories, access to subsidies is subject to strict means-testing requirements, with a family income threshold that is often too low for the middle class. There is a three-year waiting period between receiving two rounds of financial assistance. The amounts are small and vary by territory. The system is so complex that many people give up on claiming their rights.<\/p>\n A Telling Budget Gap<\/b><\/p>\n The figures speak for themselves. In 2023, per capita public spending on air service continuity amounted to \u20ac257 for Corsica. For the overseas territories, it capped out at \u20ac16. This imbalance, highlighted in a Senate report, represents a breach of republican equality.<\/p>\n Worse still, the 2025 Finance Bill calls for a 17.6 % reduction in funding allocated to territorial continuity in the overseas territories.<\/p>\n If this cut is implemented, LADOM will have to suspend its subsidies starting in October 2025. Nearly 40 jobs will be eliminated. This financial stranglehold not only signals a decline in service quality; it also sends a disastrous political message to millions of French citizens.<\/p>\n Reform Without Delay<\/b><\/p>\n Should we, then, give up on territorial continuity? Certainly not. But there is an urgent need to rebuild its foundations. A bill sponsored by Representative Olivier Serva, which passed its first reading in 2023, was a step in the right direction: creating a \u201cmobility passport for workers,\u201d increasing financial assistance, simplifying eligibility requirements, and establishing shared governance with local authorities. But the bill has since been stalled in the Senate. And the government has introduced competing measures without consultation, some of which contradict the original spirit of the reform.<\/p>\n Four Pillars for a Fair and Comprehensive Overhaul<\/b><\/p>\n First, the eligibility criteria must be made more flexible. This includes raising the income limits, shortening the waiting period, and taking into account regional and domestic mobility, particularly for isolated territories such as French Guiana and French Polynesia.<\/p>\n Next, we need to test a residential rate in the overseas territories. This system, which is already in place in Corsica and other European regions, could be adapted through the derogations provided for in Article 349 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.<\/p>\n Third priority: Overhauling governance. It is time to involve local governments in shaping mobility policies through the creation of regional public interest groups.<\/p>\n Finally, we must secure funding. We need to move away from the annual budget cycle, allocate funds within a multi-year plan, and gradually work toward a more balanced allocation of resources between Corsica and the overseas territories.<\/p>\n A Republic That Keeps Its Word<\/b><\/p>\n Territorial continuity must no longer be a mere adjustment variable. It must once again become a tool for achieving true equality. For the Republic cannot claim to be united if it maintains policies that differ based on the island where its citizens were born.<\/p>\n Rebuilding territorial continuity is not just about reforming a technical system. It is about mending a strained relationship between the State and its territories. It is about restoring meaning to the promise of unity and equality. It is, quite simply, about keeping our word. Parler d\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9, mais organiser l\u2019in\u00e9galit\u00e9 Parler de continuit\u00e9 territoriale, c\u2019est invoquer un principe fondamental institutionnel: garantir \u00e0 tous ses citoyens, quels que soient leur lieu de r\u00e9sidence ou leur \u00e9loignement g\u00e9ographique, un \u00e9gal acc\u00e8s \u00e0 la mobilit\u00e9 et aux services essentiels. Ce principe, inscrit dans les textes, est cens\u00e9 incarner la solidarit\u00e9 nationale et<\/p>","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":77044,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_uf_show_specific_survey":0,"_uf_disable_surveys":false,"footnotes":"","rank_math_focus_keyword":"","rank_math_title":"","rank_math_description":"","rank_math_canonical_url":"","rank_math_robots":null,"rank_math_facebook_title":"","rank_math_facebook_description":"","rank_math_twitter_title":"","rank_math_twitter_description":""},"categories":[922],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-77043","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-le-regard-de-gdc"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77043","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=77043"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/77043\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/77044"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=77043"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=77043"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antilla-martinique.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=77043"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\nG\u00e9rard Dorwling-Carter<\/b><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"